By Christoph Zurcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Costly Democracy makes the case that the personal tastes of household elites are drastically formed through the prices they incur in adopting democracy, in addition to the leverage that peacebuilders wield to extend the prices of non-adoption. As instances from Afghanistan, Bosnia, Kosovo, Timor, Rwanda, Namibia, Mozambique, and Tajikistan convey, family elites in postwar societies may possibly wish the resources—both fabric and symbolic—that peacebuilders can carry, yet they're much less wanting to undertake democracy simply because they think democratic reforms may perhaps endanger a few or all in their noticeable pursuits. Costly Democracy bargains comparative analyses of contemporary situations of peacebuilding to deepen realizing of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions frequently deliver peace, yet seldom democracy, to war-torn countries.
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Extra info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization After War
20 Derouen finds that power-sharing agreements have a stronger positive effect when a war ends in military victory. 21 Different authors define power sharing differently, and this complicates the search for definitive answers. For some, power sharing means guaranteed representation for all key groups, while for others it requires only the existence of checks and balances within government. For still others, power sharing refers to provisions for territorial autonomy. Like the rest of the literature on war characteristics, the scholarship on power-sharing agreements is predominantly concerned with the effects power sharing has on peace, rather than on democracy.
In the majority of cases power sharing either failed completely or was a mere interim step to an authoritarian consolidation of power. 23 Finally, the presence of a credible third-party guarantor has been cited as important for durable peace. 25 To some degree, as previously noted, power-sharing arrangements and external guarantors have been seen as interchangeable, or at least as serving a common purpose; that is, mitigating the fears of formerly warring parties regarding the threats to their physical, political, or economic security that come with surrendering arms.
Like the rest of the literature on war characteristics, the scholarship on power-sharing agreements is predominantly concerned with the effects power sharing has on peace, rather than on democracy. 22 This is because it accentuates precisely those divides that initially fuelled conflict and provides leaders who want to exploit these divides with political power and resources. In one of the few studies that deals specifically with the impact of postwar power sharing on democracy (rather than peace), Riese (2008) finds that power sharing only rarely has been conducive to postconflict democracy and only when the obstacles to peace building were atypically low.